History

“The federal government’s long campaign to try to choke off rampant conspiracy theories about the November 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy is threatening to end this month in massive confusion, if not chaos,” write Center for Politics Director Larry J. Sabato and historian and journalist Philip Shenon in a column for Politico Magazine that appeared earlier this week. Sabato, the author of The Kennedy Half Century, and Shenon, author of A Cruel and Shocking Act, argue that the upcoming release of government documents related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy may “simply help fuel a new generation of conspiracy theories,” particularly if President Trump exercises his option to block any of the files from release. To read their column about the pending release of the documents, click here. The document release, whenever it happens, will bring the Kennedy assassination back to the forefront as the nation recognizes the centennial of Kennedy’s birth this year. JFK’s life and legacy, along with new and little-known stories, is the subject of a new documentary from the University of Virginia Center for Politics and Community Idea Stations. Directed by Paul Tait Roberts and hosted by Center for Politics Director Larry

The election of 1988 was the first election in 20 years in which an incumbent president did not run. With no major figure or no major issues, the road to election day was a turbulent path. Most analysts regard this election as one of the most heated battles, with significant negative campaigning. Bush attacked Dukakis as a “liberal out of touch with American values.” Dukakis countered with criticism of Bush’s selection of Dan Quayle as his running mate being “the first example of presidential failure.” Early on, the Republican front-runners were Vice President Bush and Sen. Bob Dole. Bush was the immediate favorite due to his association with the Reagan presidency. Dole, however, was considered a substantial contender; he was the Republican leader in the Senate and had a high profile in national politics. Dole surpassed Bush in the Iowa caucus, causing the Vice President to intensify his campaign and step up the challenge against his rivals for the nomination. His hard work paid off, and Bush took the lead after victory in the New Hampshire primary. Super Tuesday confirmed the nomination for Bush, as he won 17 of the 18 GOP contests. On the Democratic side, the early contests

There have been many close presidential elections, but never before- and maybe never again- will there be one as excruciatingly tight as the election of 2000. A contest that attracted more than 105 million Americans to the polls essentially came down to a few hundred ballots in one state: a margin of less than one-thousandth of 1 percent of the national vote. Almost anything could have changed the outcome- a candidate staying in Florida to work the polls on Election day, a few more well-placed television ads, a last minute endorsement by some well-known local pol, or a thousand other plausible possibilities. But “would have, could have, should have” does not count in the harsh world of elections. The Republican Establishment got its preferred candidate, just as it has done every four years since 1968. John McCain lost like all other GOP insurgents, including Reagan in 1976 and Jack Kemp in 1988. The party clearly learned from its landslide defeat in 1964 when it last nominated a pure insurgent Barry Goldwater. On the Democratic side, the incumbent party was also in no mood for insurgency, having finally regained the presidency in 1992 with a centrist-liberal Southerner. Gore was the logical

Although the polls were strongly in Clinton’s favor leading up to the election, they were also displaying an uneasiness with the president’s character, due to the continuing bad publicity of the Whitewater accusations and the sexual harassment charges against Clinton. However, though these same polls were revealing low confidence in the president’s character, a reelection was predicted because of an almost equal low confidence about the Republican nominee and the Republican majority in Congress. In 1996, the economy was booming, and the Clinton administration was riding high. His strategy was steadfast, capitalizing on a number of issues that were typical Republican strongholds, such as welfare reform, and deficit reduction. He held his Democratic ties by “positioning himself as the only viable check against the extremism of the Republican Congress.” In contrast, the Dole campaign lacked the excitement and spark that Clinton’s campaign possessed. Though spoken of as a pleasant and friendly person, Dole was often perceived as a threatening and humorless politician. This drastically contrasted with Clinton, who was typically viewed as nothing less than a charming and assuring politico. Despite a steady campaign, Dole could never overcome the uneasiness voters felt about him. In attempt to reverse his negative

President Bush began the election cycle looking unbeatable. Coasting on the apparent success of his leadership during the Gulf War, Bush appeared to have the strength to lead the United States into what he called “the new world order.” For a while, President Bush appeared so strong that many Democrats were reluctant to take him on. Despite high polling numbers, President Bush might have been doomed from the start. Despite three decades in public life, Bush had never conveyed a coherent identity or defining characteristic. By the spring of 1992, Bush’s base had crumbled. The president had decided to “sit” on his high popularity ratings and win reelection by avoiding mistakes, ultimately leading to a bitter anti-incumbent mood dominating the new campaign year. Nationwide, reformers promoted the idea of term limits for elected officials as a way to sweep out career politicians. The Democratic field grew slowly. By calling himself “a New Democrat,” Clinton hoped to separate himself from some of the rejected Democratic candidates of the past like Mondale and Dukakis. The Democratic victory owes some of its spoils to the “year of the woman.” Female voters had sided with the Democrats since the Republican party dropped its support

For the first time in 24 years, the nation’s presidential race did not feature an incumbent president. President Truman, facing a disenchanted national electorate, made a last minute decision to abandon his bid for the Democratic nomination. Indeed, the public had grown weary of 20 years of Democrats in control of the White House, and a variety of developments had turned the national mood sour and had created a political environment favorable to change. Price controls, White House staff scandals, and especially bogged-down U.S. involvement in the Korean War all contributed to this unfavorable atmosphere for Democrats. On the Republican side, Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, an isolationist, and former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen were early announced candidates. World War II General Dwight Eisenhower, however, widely recognized as the only possible candidate with large popular appeal, soon entered the race at the behest of national GOP leaders. Although Eisenhower trailed Taft in delegate commitments going into Chicago’s national Republican convention, he quickly won delegate seating contests and easily won nomination on the first ballot. The Democratic ticket took shape more slowly. President Truman, challenged early on by Tennessee Senator Estes Kefauver, bowed out in April after suffering several primary losses.

President Reagan faced hardly any opposition to his re-nomination as the Republican bid for President. On the Democratic side, however, there were many new faces competing for the nomination. Sen. Walter Mondale, Jimmy Carter’s Vice President, was the front runner throughout the election campaign. The most serious opposition were both Senator Gary Hart of Colorado, running on a theme of “New Ideas,” and Reverend Jesse Jackson, who became the first substantial black candidate for president. However, Mondale gained the nomination and selected Geraldine Ferraro to be his running mate. Ferraro became the first woman to be nominated by a major party. The regular election revolved mostly around the issues of deficit and tariff barriers, to which the two major parties had polar views. In 1983, economists were calling quits for President Reagan as stagflation grew in numbers unseen since the Great Depression. Luckily for Reagan, the economy picked up in 1984 and his outlook for reelection became brighter. “The Great Communicator’s” public poise led Reagan to winning debates with Mondale, the poor television performer, hands down. Due to the public’s general satisfaction and high hopes for the economy, Mondale never came within close range of the President. Reagan continually led

President Carter was challenged for the Democratic nomination by Sen. Ted Kennedy. The farther left, liberal voters tended to favor Kennedy and his access to financial support and family prestige only boosted his advantage. However, after the seizure of American hostages in Iran, the nation was rallied around the president, turning the public eye away from Kennedy. Additionally, voters became uneasy with the Massachusetts senator when the Chappaquiddick incident of 1969 resurfaced and his personal character came into question. With failing to develop a strong campaign theme, Sen. Kennedy lost the Democratic nomination to President Carter. California Governor Ronald Reagan proved to be the strongest Republican candidate in the primary elections of 1980. George Bush proved to be a worthy threat by winning the Iowa caucus, however Reagan remained in the lead for the delegate count. By April, all the only contestants for the Republican nomination that remained were George Bush and Ronald Reagan. Reagan proposed bold measures including sizably increasing military outlays and a 30 percent reduction in income tax rates based on his heavily debated “supply-side economics,” or what George Bush liked to refer to as “voodoo economics.” The main issues that divided the candidates were the Equal

The Democrats strengthened their majority in the 1974 midterm election due to the Watergate scandal and President Ford’s pardon of Nixon. This new Congress reorganized and undermined the seniority system that had directed Congress for years. This created a committee system that was more influenced by interest group politics than presidents and party leaders. Also noteworthy, the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) of 1971 limited both parties by requiring more detailed receipts and thus affecting their total expenditures. The Republicans were split into two over candidates Gov. Reagan and President Ford. Ford had early wins, though Reagan did well in debates often with criticism of Ford foreign policy. Ford won the nomination in the end, selecting senator Bob Dole from Kansas as his running mate to appease the more conservative electorate. Georgia Gov. Jimmy Carter wanted to take advantage of the public’s discontent and ask for change in the 1976 election. Ronald Reagan ultimately added to the desire for change and the public’s need for another option other than Ford. Virtually unknown from the start, Carter’s strategy began with constructing strong organizations for the New Hampshire primary and Iowa caucus, which he inched by a victory with small margins. He

With 15 competitors for the nomination, the Democrats had a marathon of primaries in the 1972 election. The early favorite was the former senator and vice-presidential nominee in 1968, Edmund Muskie from Maine. However, after reformations of party politics after the unsuccessful circus of the 1968 convention, the road to nomination was bound to be turbulent. Other solid contenders were Sens. George McGovern and Hubert Humphrey. Muskie later made some disconcerting comments and his reputation took a few blows, but did manage to win the first-ever New Hampshire primary. However, after the larger states, Sen. McGovern edged past all three candidates made possible by the new delegate allocation rules. President Nixon and Vice President Agnew were renominated without missing a beat. The Republican campaign dominated the summer and fall polls. Nixon made an exhibition of his peace talks over the Vietnam War, diplomacy with China, and numerous domestic programs. However, Nixon’s downfall was his increasing paranoia and suspicion in politics. He considered he had been beaten unfairly by the charm of Kennedy and wanted to assure it did not happen again. After deemed the more “moderate” of the nominees and acquiring the Democratic nomination, McGovern established his platform over issues

By now, the main political focus was clear: in 1968, thirty thousand Americans had been killed in action in the Vietnam War and television had brought the war into almost every American home. Due to social conditions and the war, Republican policy was heavily favored, and unlike the Democrats, the Republicans came into the election with a solid campaign platform. The Democratic frontrunners included President Johnson and Sen. Eugene McCarthy. However after outlooks were grim in the early primaries, and rather save face than lose, President Johnson shocked many by announcing his withdrawal from the race in late March. Vice President Humphrey took his place. The Democratic platform was unsteady because the proposals to deal with the war divided many party leaders. The Republicans nominated Richard Nixon with little contest. Outspending the vice president two to one, he had learned from his mistakes in 1960 and meticulously and carefully followed a script, staying away from his television nemesis. He promised Americans an end to the war, a more stable economy, and alleviation of racial tensions. His vice-president, Gov. Spiro Agnew of Maryland provided a viable option for a wide portion of the labor force, blue-collar America. Also worth noting, Alabama