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Sabato’s Crystal Ball

GOP Increase House Numbers

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Partisan redistricting and the overwhelming power of incumbency makes it such that many of the 435 House races each year are either uncontested or finished well before they begin. Texas redistricting gave the GOP an edge in this year’s battle for control of the House. The five Texas House races in the Crystal Ball’s Dirty 30 list all featured incumbent Democrats in newly drawn districts. With only Democrat Chet Edwards surviving in the 17th district, Republicans were able to pick off four seats from Democrats in Texas alone. Only one contest in the Dirty 30 caused trouble for the Crystal Ball. In Indiana’s ninth congressional district, three-term incumbent Democrat Baron Hill was pitted in a rematch with his 2002 challenger: Republican Mike Sodrel. He was the beneficiary of fundraising help from Vice President Dick Cheney as well as strong growth for the GOP in the heavily Republican western Cincinnati suburbs. Despite partisan redistricting that benefited Hill, the GOP was able to grab this seat from the Democrats. Of the 30 races the Crystal Ball called, 29 outcomes were correctly predicted. With Republicans now controlling 231 House seats, the Democrats holding 200, one seat in the hands Independent Bernie Sanders of

Peter Jackson

Republicans Enlarge Senate Majority

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Building on the success from the 2002 midterm elections, the Crystal Ball correctly predicted 97 percent of Senate races. In the first hours of election night it was clear that Republicans would enlarge their majority in the upper chamber of Congress, but three contests gave the Crystal Ball a moment of pause. As the first results filtered in from Kentucky, it looked as though Democratic challenger Daniel Mongiardo would be able to unseat one-term incumbent Republican Jim Bunning amid allegations of the senator’s deteriorating mental health. When all the votes were counted, Bunning was the victor with a narrow edge of 23,296 votes. In Alaska, the Crystal Ball thought nepotism charges would be the downfall of appointed Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski. While Bush coattails would give a healthy nudge to Murkowski’s numbers, public and private polling, as well as reports from The Last Frontier suggested that Knowles had convinced enough Alaskans to split their tickets and elect a Democrat to the Senate. While Bush garnered 151,498 votes, Murkowski only received 120,897. The Crystal Ball rated this contest as Democratic with low confidence, but that outlook proved to be off the mark with Murkowski riding the Bush wave to a second

Peter Jackson

Bush Captures Second Term

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It’s impossible to fully understand the results of the 2004 presidential election without first reexamining the 2000 results. The map created by the Bush-Gore race illustrated the country’s division into the “tolerant” Blue States and the “traditional” Red States, and appeared to be one that would stay with us for a while. Based primarily on differences over prominent social issues–gay rights, abortion, guns, affirmative action–the differences illustrated by this map reemerged in 2004, with very few exceptions. Going into the 2004 election, George Bush had already increased his Electoral College lead from 2000 by seven votes, due to the reapportionment following the 2000 census. To that total it appears as if he will add those of Iowa (7) and New Mexico (5), while losing New Hampshire’s four electoral votes, and end up with a total of 286. John Kerry, had he won the same states that Gore won in 2000, would automatically have received seven fewer electoral votes. Combined with the projected final results, Kerry will finish with 252. Your Crystal Ball predicted that at least 40 to 45 states would remain the same “color” as they were in 2000, and that proved to be the case. Specifically, just three

Matt Smyth

Four Statehouses Switch Parties

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In eleven gubernatorial races spread out from coast to coast, the Crystal Ball accurately forecast at least nine, with the match up between Democratic State Attorney General Christine Gregoire and Republican State Senator Dino Rossi still too close to call and possibly headed for a recount. So far the lone surprise has been the race for New Hampshire governor, where Democratic challenger John Lynch ganged up on the unpopular incumbent, Republican Craig Benson. Like its green mountain neighbor, voters in the Granite State typically give their governors a second two year term, even if they aren’t performing up to expectations, but this year’s result proved this tradition is not set in stone. Three other states (so far) have seen a change in the party controlling the statehouse. Indiana saw Republican Mitch Daniels unseat incumbent Democrat Joe Kernan, who had assumed the governorship after the death of Frank O’Bannon in 2003. Missouri also witnessed a Republican taking a formerly Democratic seat when Matt Blount defeated Claire McCaskill. On the flip side, Democrats added another governor to their ranks in Montana, with Brian Schweitzer’s win over Bob Brown in this open seat contest. Democrats could add one more if Gregoire’s slight lead

Matt Smyth

The Final Predictions

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As we conclude this amazing election campaign, we have just one question for our readers: When has an incumbent candidate ever won when he is tied with his challenger on election eve? The answer is never–at least in the age of polling that began in the 1930s. So George W. Bush needs to beat history, and the polls, to win the election tomorrow. It is possible that the vagaries of the Electoral College will enable Bush to eke out a victory, and it is also possible that the Republican Party’s get out the vote effort will equal or exceed the Democrats’ GOTV efforts. But if the Democrats are even half-right about the potential of their GOTV in producing additional new voters, then Kerry will win, perhaps more comfortably than anyone now suspects. In just the last 48 hours, we have watched the following polls come in absolutely dead even: CNN/USA Today/Gallup, The Gallup Poll, ABC News/Washington Post, Fox News, and Reuters/Zogby. Add to this, these national surveys which have a statistical tie: CBS News/New York Times, NBC/Wall Street Journal, Pew Research, and Rasmussen. What impressed us the most is that the distinguished Gallup poll, which began its service to the

Larry J. Sabato

Wisoncsin Senate 2004

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For years, Senator Russ Feingold has proven himself as a tenacious underdog who has always beat the odds. He squeaked his way through a three-way Democratic primary with less money than his opponents by using quirky, catchy television ads as his two opponents tore each other apart. He then went on to unseat Senator Bob Kansten in 1992. Four years later, he managed to defend his newfound seat with 51 percent of the vote, weathering a nasty, negative campaign from Republican nominee, congressman Mark Neumann. Now, he faces former Army Ranger and businessman Tim Michels. As a two-term incumbent and the recipient of a late conclusion for the Republican primary, Feingold is sitting a little more easily than past campaigns. After the last campaign, when he weathered the negative onslaught by Neumann, the Wisconsin senator is battle-hardened and a proven crusader for governmental reform. Tim Michels has assaulted Feingold heavily on issues of homeland security and counterterrorism, citing Feingold’s votes against the Patriot Act and the Department of Homeland Security. With Bush polling well in Wisconsin, pushing the state into the toss-up column, Michels may ride in Bush’s coattails if the president takes Wisconsin, especially if terrorism persists as the

UVA Center for Politics

South Dakota Senate 2004

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Aside from Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry, South Dakota Senator Tom Daschle sits atop the Republican hit list in this electoral cycle. Republicans eye him as the front man for obstructing their legislation and judicial nominees in the Senate. Now, they have a strong candidate gunning for Daschle, former Congressman John Thune, who narrowly lost his bid for the Senate against Democrat Tim Johnson by only 524 votes. Thune has been running a campaign claims that Daschle wears one face in South Dakota of bipartisanship leadership (one example is a Daschle commercial showing him embracing President Bush after the Sept. 11 attacks), while putting partisan politics above South Dakota’s interests in Washington. Particular issues that he has attacked Daschle on have included Iraq, energy policy, and the Senate minority leader’s opposition to a constitutional amendment banning desecration of the American flag. The burden ultimately lies on Thune to unseat a three-term incumbent of high national prominence. Daschle’s position has also allowed him to deliver several public goods to South Dakota from Washington. However, South Dakotans are not new to sending long-serving incumbents packing, and Daschle’s prominence has put a lot of scrutiny on his record. President Bush’s projected strong showing

UVA Center for Politics

South Carolina Senate 2004

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With the retirement of Senator Ernest “Fritz” Hollings, the Republican Party has been poised to take this seat in one of the most conservative states in the union. After a tight primary that led to a runoff, the ball was handed to Representative Jim DeMint and the field was wide open. However, before reaching the end zone, DeMint has stumbled a few times on his own words; the question is whether or not his Democratic opponent, Inez Tenenbaum, can catch him. Tenenbaum, the state’s Superintendent of Education, has mostly been the recipient of DeMint’s bad fortune. She has also been handed several opportunities to slam DeMint, who supported overhauling the federal tax code and replacing it with a 23 percent sales tax, which Tenenbaum has hounded him over. DeMint more recently damaged himself with comments stating that gays, lesbians, or single mothers with live-in boyfriends should not teach in public schools. These slip-ups have given Tenenbaum a heavy political arsenal to assault DeMint. However, the Tenenbaum campaign has been plagued with its own problems. She was slow to get out her first television ad, which was a response ad to Republican attacks, rather than a biographical piece to introduce herself

UVA Center for Politics

Pennsylvania Senate 2004

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In a state so closely divided, Republican Arlen Specter’s bid for reelection against Democratic challenger Joe Hoeffel has important implications for Pennsylvania, the make-up of the Senate, and possibly the presidential election. Specter had earlier in the year encountered some rough going on the campaign trail with a very close call—by the standards of a 24-year incumbent backed by some very powerful political forces—against Republican primary challenger, Congressman Pat Toomey. Now less than a month away from the election, Specter maintains a suitable 20 point lead in the polls, 53 percent to 33 percent (Strategic Vision (R) poll; conducted 9/27-29/04). As a moderate Republican, Specter is a dying breed in the GOP. The support that President Bush gave him—which ultimately put him over the top in the primary—likely stemmed more from Republican desires to hold the Senate seat–many agree that Toomey would have been too conservative to be safely elected–and to prevent a strong Democratic candidate from aiding John Kerry in the Pennsylvania presidential contest. Going against the GOP line—especially on the abortion issue—has left many unwavering conservatives, particularly pro-life Christian social conservatives, feeling alienated, which could cause some defection to the farther-right Constitution Party candidate Jim Clymer. As of

UVA Center for Politics

Oklahoma Senate 2004

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With the retirement of Republican senator Don Nickles, an interesting contest has broken out between two self-described outsiders: physician and former Representative Tom Coburn for the Republicans, and Representative Brad Carson for the Democrats. Several factors have nudged this race left and right, but have eventually leveled out right down the middle. Tom Coburn entered with several demographic advantages –the most obvious one is that Oklahoma is a predominantly Republican state. The Sooner State has not had a Democratic senator since David Boren retired his seat in 1994 and it is a solid state for George W. Bush. Furthermore, Coburn’s congressional district encompassed what is now about 75 percent of Brad Carson’s congressional district, providing the Republican a foothold on his opponent’s home turf. His populist rhetoric and moderate voting record in the House have helped balance his rather conservative ideology. In spite of being a former Republican Congressman, he has established himself as a maverick who has railed against the growing budget deficit. There are several factors that have helped the Democratic challenger in this race. He has managed to separate himself from national Democrats by criticizing John Kerry’s stand on the war in Iraq. Carson has managed to

UVA Center for Politics

North Carolina Senate 2004

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With the upcoming Nov. 2 elections, Tar Heels have more on their minds than the presidential race. John Kerry’s running mate, Senator John Edwards, who upon accepting his vice-presidential bid vacated his seat in the Senate, leaves North Carolina voters with a choice between two replacements: Democrat Erskine Bowles and Republican Richard Burr. Three key issues dominate the race: jobs, education, and healthcare. Given North Carolina’s voting history, this year’s race promises to be tight. An early October poll conducted by Mason-Dixon Polling and Research Inc., indicates a narrowing gap between the two candidates, with Bowles capturing 45 percent, Burr securing 44 percent, and undecided voters comprising 11 percent of the sample. Across the state, Bowles, who lost the last Senate race to Elizabeth Dole by a wide margin, now has a strong lead in the Triangle, his home region of Charlotte, and southeastern North Carolina. His opponent Burr, on the other hand, is favored in his home region of the Triad, as well as the Northeast and the mountains. Over the last four years, approximately 80,000 people have lost jobs in North Carolina’s manufacturing, textile and furniture industries, and thus it is no surprise that the most critical issue

UVA Center for Politics

Missouri Senate 2004

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Missourians, as you may have heard from pundits, have the unique ability to refer to their home as a “microcosm” of American Politics—at least in presidential races. For over the past century, Missouri voters have sided correctly with every presidential contest victor, save one: Adlai Stevenson in 1956. The balanced yet uncertain political atmosphere makes it a target for campaign stops, television ads, and massive infusions of campaign money and the hoopla this year has kept the battle over one of Missouri’s Senate seats largely under the radar of many outside of the Show-Me State. In this most unusual of election cycles now in its final weeks, it is becoming increasingly unclear whether Missouri will remain a predictor of presidents—and what effect the race for the White House will have on this Senate race. Senator Christopher “Kit” Bond was first elected to the Senate in 1986 in a narrow contest many say hinged mostly on a negative campaign ad run by his opponent. Regarded as one of the GOP’s moderate senators, Bond has championed many populace causes; particularly urban redevelopment—such strong support for urban organizations and small businesses that aid inner-city economies earned him the Democratic mayor of Kansas City’s

UVA Center for Politics

Louisiana Senate 2004

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With Louisiana’s open primary system, the slate of candidates facing voters on Election Day isn’t as simple as one Democrat against one Republican. Any number of candidates from any party may enter the race, but to be declared the winner, one must secure a majority of votes. In a race with seven official candidates–four of which have a legitimate shot at winning–eclipsing 50 percent of the vote may not be that easy. David Vitter is the lone Republican in the field, and thus he has the best chance of winning outright on Nov. 2. Three Democrats round out the four contenders: Chris John, John Kennedy, and Arthur Morrell. David Vitter is a three-term U.S. Congressman from Metairie, who has served on the House Appropriations Committee and the House Republican Policy Committee. He has worked on such issues as national missile defense, HMO and prescription drug reform, and Social Security. Vitter’s platform is entitled “Fighting for our Future,” and focuses on programs for Louisiana as well as the nation. He recently was endorsed by former governor Charles “Buddy” Roemer. Chris John is also a U.S. Congressman, finishing his fourth term representing the seventh district of the Bayou State. He has served

UVA Center for Politics

Florida Senate 2004

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With his failed bid for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004, Senator Bob Graham of Florida announced his retirement from the United States Senate. The political juggernaut of Florida who won his last two races for the Senate with at least 62 percent of the vote is now gone; the Democrats and Republicans are now in a heated struggle to take the seat polls have in a deadlock. The Republicans look to break the Democratic monopoly on Senate seats in a state that demographically tends to be Republican. After challenging and late primary contests, two candidates emerged: former Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Mel Martinez for the Republicans and former state Education Commissioner and University of South Florida President Betty Castor. The campaign has remained tight in spite of the sudden drop in undecided voters, which has dropped from 21 percent on Oct. 5 to 5 percent on Oct. 7. Some polls have the race in a dead heat; others give Castor a slight advantage. The latest poll numbers from the Tallahassee Democrat show both polling at 45 percent of likely voters. The issue that has dominated this election has been terrorism. Mel Martinez has made an issue of

UVA Center for Politics

Colorado Senate 2004

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The race for Colorado’s open Senate seat, being vacated by republican Ben Campbell, pits Democrat Ken Salazar against Republican Pete Coors. Colorado is traditionally a Republican stronghold, but nothing could be farther from the truth this year. Most polls in the state show a close race, with the latest poll, compiled by Survey USA, having the race tied at 48 percent. You might recognize the name Pete Coors. He is great-grandson of Adolph Coors, who started the Golden brewery in 1873. Needless to say, Mr. Coors has no problem with name recognition in Colorado. The Coors name appears on everything from beer cans in the local grocery store to the Colorado Rockies’s baseball stadium, Coors Field. Coors is running on a platform of traditional family values, tax reform, and a strong hand in the war on terror. While he believes we should not second-guess the president now that we know about the unlikelihood of weapons of mass destruction existing, he does believe the outcome of the vote that gave President Bush the authority to go to war would have been different. Coors is also vehemently opposed to gay marriage, however he has been criticized as a result of Coors beer

UVA Center for Politics

Alaska Senate 2004

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It has been thirty years since the state of Alaska elected a Democrat to the Senate, but the outcome of this year’s Senate race is anything but certain for the GOP. The seat is currently held by Republican Lisa Murkowski, who was appointed by her father, Frank Murkowski, who won the governor’s mansion in 2002 and appointed her to his former spot in the Senate. This was the first step that turned Alaskans a bit sour toward the junior Senator from Alaska. Charges of nepotism have given Murkowski a disadvantage, in what is already a historically precarious position; only forty percent of Senators whom have been appointed in modern American history have survived their first bid to hold on to their seat, and Murkowski faces a formidable foe in former governor Tony Knowles. Furthermore, the Murkowski name has lost its luster among Alaskan conservatives. Lisa Murkowski, while in the state house of representatives, voted to approve increases on the alcohol tax to make it the highest in the country. She was also one of five Republicans who voted against a bill restricting publicly funded abortions. She declares that she is pro-life except for cases of rape, incest, or endangerment of

UVA Center for Politics

Baseball and the 2004 Election

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Yesterday the political world was abuzz with talk of a potential World Series match up between the Boston Red Sox from John Kerry’s home state of Massachusetts and the Houston Astros from George Bush’s home state of Texas. Never has there been a team from the home state of each presidential candidate, and the St. Louis Cardinals ensured that this streak will continue for another four years. However, the possibility spurred your Crystal ball to wonder: is there any correlation between the success of a team from the same state as a presidential candidate in the Fall Classic, and that candidate’s performance on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November? In the 5 years that the team from the state of a presidential candidate has won, the corresponding candidate has won an impressive 4 times, with the only exception being Al Smith in 1928. Two of these occasions were made easier when both teams in the series hailed from the same state: the New York Yankees beat the New York Giants and Franklin Roosevelt won in 1936, and in 1944 the St. Louis Cardinals beat St. Louis Browns and Harry Truman was elected vice president, but became president

Matt Smyth

2004 as the Bizzaro Election of 1916

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All the way back in May, the Crystal Ball explored the possibility of “Bush as Truman” (https://centerforpolitics.org/crystalball/articles/LJS2004052001) in order to give some historical perspective for the 2004 election. It seems like eons have passed in the political world since the beginning of the summer, and while we gear up for the remaining 11 days before the event that will significantly impact the country’s future, we would like to provide our readers with another glimpse into the past. In many ways, the election of 1916 that produced the narrow reelection of Woodrow Wilson bears a striking resemblance to the events and possible outcomes surrounding the current contest. However, many of the details and characteristics are virtually mirror images of today. In that sense, we present “2004 as the Bizzaro Election of 1916.” Bear with us and we will explain, but first, the particulars. President Wilson came into the 1916 contest with a list of domestic accomplishments, but the race was dominated by foreign affairs and the ongoing world war in Europe. He was unopposed for the Democratic nomination in June, and faced Republican Charles Evans Hughes in the general election. In an effort to unite the party, Republicans had turned to

Matt Smyth

Tight as a Tick

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George W. Bush has a slight edge in the last week of the election, but his lead is paper-thin. It must be worrisome to his campaign that he is currently lacking a 3 percent to 5 percent polling advantage in many essential battleground states. Bush may well need this beyond-the-margin-of-error buffer to overcome the torrid Democratic antipathy to the president that could easily produce a larger-than-expected Democratic turnout on Election Day. And let’s not forget the Crystal Ball’s assessment that the remaining, hard undecided voters–perhaps 4 percent to 5 percent of the electorate–are still inclined to break against Bush, possibly by a sizeable margin. (Yes, some won’t vote, but those that do are probably going to tilt to Kerry by 55 percent to 45 percent or even more.) Given the 2000 election results, Bush appears to have a slim overall popular vote lead, but he is not doing as well in many of the key battleground states necessary for an Electoral College victory. (Bush is performing better than he did in 2000 in Democratic states such as Michigan and New Jersey, increasing his chances to capture the elusive popular vote; still, we’ll see if this holds up once the inevitable

Larry J. Sabato

Young People: They’re registered, but will they vote?

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Recent registration efforts have mobilized young people in an unprecedented fashion. According to the recent Ipsos/GENEXT Presidential Poll (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/6273246/site/newsweek/) released this week, nearly one in three registered voters under 30 have registered to vote within the past six months. The registration efforts seem to have had the most impact on 18 to 21 year olds, women with no more than a high-school education, unmarried parents, and those who still live with their parents. Young voters are also more likely to be contacted by non-partisan organizations (like Rock the Vote or the Center for Politics) than by political parties. With numbers similarly reflecting the attitudes of their older counterparts, young voters remain critical of Bush’s job performance, with more than half voicing their disapproval. In general, most young people do not have well defined loyalty to a particular political party; yet, the Ipsos poll shows that the young people who consider themselves likely to vote favor Kerry (52 percent) over Bush (42 percent). Is this the year that young voters show up to vote and determine the outcome of the election? Is polling skewed because pollsters aren’t taking into account the huge upswing in voter registration among young people? Maybe, but

Joshua Scott