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2014 House

Sabato's Crystal Ball

A “special” favorite emerges

The matchup is now set in the closely-watched special election for a Tampa-area congressional district: David Jolly, a former lobbyist and aide to the late Rep. Bill Young (R, FL-13), comfortably won the GOP primary on Tuesday over two others. He will face Alex Sink (D), the state’s former chief financial officer and 2010 Democratic nominee for governor. Now that the primary is over, we’re changing the rating in the FL-13 special election from Toss-up to Leans Democratic. Unless national factors become so unfavorable for Democrats that they lift Jolly, we think this race is Sink’s to lose. The special election is March 11. Sink is by far the better-known candidate, owing to her previous time in office and narrow gubernatorial loss, and she has raised much more money than Jolly — according to the most recent campaign finance reports, Sink had more than $1 million cash on hand compared to Jolly’s $140,000, which presumably was used at least in part to win the primary. Democrats also preferred to face Jolly in this race because of his past work as a lobbyist. Part of our ratings change here is based on the incentives for this special: Democrats really need to

Kyle Kondik

The future shape of the House

The U.S. Census Bureau recently released new population projections for all 50 states. The results are not particularly surprising: American population growth is faster in the South and West, as it has been for decades.  In the U.S. House and the Electoral College, this growth makes the reallocation of seats every 10 years a zero-sum game. There are winners (generally states in the Southern and Western Sun Belt) and losers (usually in the Northern and Midwest Frost Belt). Sean Trende of RealClearPolitics crunched the numbers, and his best projection is for Illinois, Michigan, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and West Virginia to all lose one seat (and, therefore, one presidential electoral vote) apiece, while Colorado, Florida, Montana, North Carolina and Virginia would add one. Texas would add two. From a presidential standpoint, these changes would slightly move the Electoral College in the Republicans’ direction: If this apportionment had been in place during the 2012 election, President Obama would have won 329 electoral votes, as opposed to the 332 he actually received. That continues a trend: Obama’s same 2012 result would have netted him six more electoral votes if it was conducted under the electoral map used in the 2004

Kyle Kondik

Republicans Really Could Win It All This Year

We are pleased to announce that U.Va. Center for Politics Director Larry J. Sabato will be contributing a column every other week to Politico Magazine, which we will be linking to in the Crystal Ball. His inaugural column analyzes what factors will matter in the 2014 midterm and where the race for the House and Senate stands right now. — The Editors Another midterm election beckons, and over the next 10 months we’ll see headlines about a thousand supposedly critical developments — the “game changers” and the “tipping points.” But we all know there aren’t a thousand powerful drivers of the vote. I’d argue that three factors are paramount: the president, the economy and the election playing field. And, at least preliminarily, those three factors seem to be pointing toward Republican gains in both houses in the 2014 midterms. Why? To read the rest of the column, please click here.

Larry J. Sabato

14 FOR ‘14: SOME BOLD PREDICTIONS FOR THE NEW YEAR

As we wrap up our publishing schedule for 2013, we looked into the Crystal Ball to offer some predictions for next year. While the picture is still a little hazy for the 2014 midterms, we’ve got some other prognostications related to the political year to come and some hints about what you should expect. 1. At least one additional U.S. senator will announce his or her retirement in 2014. We’re giving ourselves some wide latitude here, because it’s possible the retirement will come after the 2014 midterms. But we suspect at some point next year another senator will decide to quit; the question is, will it be an incumbent who determines he or she cannot win in 2014 — similar to ex-Sen. Ben Nelson (D-NE), who retired in late 2011 after realizing his perilous political position — or will it be someone who retires for another reason — like ex-Sen. Olympia Snowe (R-ME), who left the game in early 2012 because of frustration despite having an easy road to another term. While it’s not technically a retirement, another important development shook the Senate Wednesday evening: Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT) is reportedly going to be nominated as ambassador to China. Baucus

Larry J. Sabato and Kyle Kondik

Getaway day in the House

Prior to Tuesday, only six members of the House were retiring from the House. That does not include members who are running for other offices or who have resigned — rather, it’s just members who are really walking away from politics at the end of this Congress. Among those six, none were Democrats. Going back over the past 40 years — as far back as Roll Call’s detailed casualty list goes — there have always been retirements from both parties in the House. Clearly, the Democrats’ perfect record in keeping their incumbents in the game would fall at some point. Republicans, on the other hand, had lost a number of incumbents whose absence from the ballot will make their seats much more competitive. Those included Reps. Jon Runyan (NJ-3) and Tim Griffin (AR-2). These districts went from Likely or Safe Republican in our ratings to Toss-up (for Runyan) and Leans Republican (for Griffin). Additionally, the passing of Rep. Bill Young (R, FL-13) created another Toss-up open seat target for Democrats, which will be filled early next year in a special election. The Democrats’ ability to keep their caucus together, combined with the handful of meaningful Republican exits, provided a counterweight

Kyle Kondik

A December freeze?

With Christmas and New Year’s less than two weeks away, the political doldrums might finally be upon us. Tuesday saw President Obama attend the funeral for legendary South African President Nelson Mandela, producing stories about him shaking hands with Cuban dictator Raul Castro and the look on Michelle Obama’s face as her husband took a photo with the British and Danish prime ministers. Game changers, these ain’t. Congressional Republicans and Democrats even appear to be close to cutting a deal that would avert another government shutdown before the next election. So long as there isn’t a widespread revolt in the House, the budget agreement could be finalized in a matter of days. Given that another shutdown probably would have favored the Democrats — like the last shutdown did in October — approving this budget pact would probably be wise politics for Republicans. Like a snowglobe after a good shake, perhaps the holidays and a quiet few weeks will give the political snowflakes time to settle after a tumultuous couple months, and we can get clearer answers to some big-picture questions: Is President Obama’s job approval dip terminal? Are Republicans actually surging, or are they just riding an Obamacare high? Does

Kyle Kondik

Could the Budget Deal Fail?

On Tuesday, Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA) and Rep. Paul Ryan (R, WI-1) announced a two-year budget agreement that could potentially offer a respite from the fiscal fights of the past few years. But many conservative House Republicans are already balking at the deal because it breaks the spending caps called for under the sequester. Some conservative groups, such as Americans for Prosperity and the Club for Growth, have already come out in opposition, offering threats to GOP incumbents who vote for it. Our bet is that the bill will pass, perhaps handily. But legislative politics is trickier in some ways than electoral politics because the number of “voters” is far smaller, and they are all highly informed and strategic in their thinking. Therefore, let’s suppose the Crystal Ball is wrong in its prediction of passage. How would the budget compromise be defeated in Congress? At present, there are 432 members in the U.S. House. While the special election to replace now-Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA) took place on Tuesday and saw Katherine Clark (D) duly elected, she hasn’t been seated yet. It’s also unlikely that Rep. Mel Watt (D, NC-12) will vote considering he was just confirmed in the Senate as

Geoffrey Skelley

Center for Politics to host 15th annual American Democracy Conference

On Friday, Dec. 6, the University of Virginia Center for Politics will host the 15th annual American Democracy Conference. The conference, which will be held at Alumni Hall on the Grounds of the University of Virginia, will feature panels of leading journalists and political experts focused on the 2013 Virginia election outcome, the upcoming 2014 federal midterm elections and the future of the American electorate. The event, which will begin at 9 a.m., is free and open to the public with advance registration, and the press is invited to attend. For more information or to register, please visit http://www.centerforpolitics.org/adc.html. View a livestream of the conference below: The panels are: Panel I: Post-Gubernatorial Discussion 9:30 a.m. – 10:45 a.m.: Moderator: Jeff Schapiro, Richmond Times-Dispatch political reporter and columnist Panelists: Kellyanne Conway, Republican strategist and pollster Thomas Guterbock, U.Va. Center for Survey Research director James Hohmann, Politico national political reporter Ellen Qualls, senior adviser to Terry McAuliffe’s (D) gubernatorial campaign Geoffrey Skelley, Sabato’s Crystal Ball associate editor Panel II: 2014 Midterms 11:00 a.m. – 12:15 p.m. Moderator: Larry J. Sabato, U.Va. Center for Politics director Panelists: Fred Barnes, The Weekly Standard executive editor Christina Bellantoni, PBS NewsHour political editor Carl Cannon, RealClearPolitics

UVA Center for Politics

THE 2014 SENATE FIELD DOESN’T HAVE TO BE SET YET

The last month has been, on the surface, great for the Republican Party’s electoral fortunes in 2014. President Obama’s signature achievement, the Affordable Care Act, has been a mess, and it remains persistently unpopular in polling. Obama’s approval rating has been on a steady decline for months, and the recent events have driven it increasingly downward. During the government shutdown, the Democratic lead in the House generic ballot — a simple poll measuring whether voters would support the Democratic or Republican candidate in their local House race — spiked to the high single digits in polling averages. Now Republicans hold a small lead in this key metric. Conditions such as these on Election Day 2014 would suggest at least a small Republican addition to their House majority and quite possibly a Senate takeover. This is the macro view of the 2014 election, which matters a lot; in the event of a wave, smaller-bore factors — like the candidates running and the campaigns themselves — can be overwhelmed. But the candidates and campaigns remain important: Just look at the Todd Akins and Richard Mourdocks of the world. On the candidate front, the Republicans still have a lot of work to do,

Kyle Kondik

THE THREATENING THIRTIES

For the first time in his presidency, Barack Obama finds his aggregate approval rating hovering right at 40%. In some polls, he has already fallen below it: According to Gallup, the president’s approval dropped to 39% three times in November. Currently, RealClearPolitics’ aggregation of approval polls finds the president’s approval right at 40.1% while HuffPost Pollster shows 41.5%. Both show a consistent downward trend over the last few months. While Gallup’s three-day tracking had the president’s approval at 41% on Wednesday, it has been lower. In August 2011, Obama’s approval rating in Gallup dropped to 38%, remaining around 40% until late October. This previous encounter with the “dirty thirties” buoyed Republican hopes that Obama could be beaten in the 2012 presidential election. But as events proved (for the umpteenth time), a year in politics is a long time. Looking back at Gallup’s approval polls since World War II, Obama’s predecessors have a varied history in their tangles with sub-40% approval ratings, with some recovering, some stagnating and others falling further into the disapproval abyss. And as the 2014 midterm elections approach, it is worth noting that only two presidents in the Gallup era have had approval ratings below 40% at

Geoffrey Skelley

Kennedy & Me

John F. Kennedy speaks at Granby High School in Norfolk, VA, on Nov. 4, 1960. Credit: Associated Press. Choosing the topic of this article was easy for me, because it’s a personal story. No, it’s not your usual “Kennedy and me” tale. I never even shook hands with John F. Kennedy. But his presidential saga, tragic assassination and evolutionary image coincided with my coming of age, influenced the career path I chose and defined the political world I analyze for a living. Kennedy is bound up with the memories of my youth. When I think of Kennedy, I think of my devout Roman Catholic parents. My father was exactly JFK’s age and a fellow World War II veteran, while my mother was only a few years older than Jackie, with Caroline and John-John the image of my younger family members. I visualize my Catholic school, the priests and the nuns, my lay teachers and classmates, and a time distant and yet near. As a person piles up the years, writing about the past has an irresistible allure as powerful sentiment and a yearning for what once was become a part of many evenings. Born in 1952 and raised in the

Larry J. Sabato

Center for Politics’ new app provides dramatic, living history of Kennedy assassination

The JFK Half Century App, produced by the University of Virginia Center for Politics, is now available for download on Android and Apple devices. The app features the complete Dallas police recordings from Nov. 22, 1963, which the Center acquired from the National Archives and is available to the public in one easily accessible place for the first time. What follows is the text of Center for Politics Director Larry J. Sabato’s introduction to the app, which you can listen to below. — The Editors Welcome to the JFK app. I am Larry Sabato, author of The Kennedy Half Century. My book traces the effect John F. Kennedy had over 10 Presidential administrations. This app allows you to listen to the audio recordings from the day of the assassination made by the Dallas Police Department and you can follow along with the written transcripts. As I demonstrate in the book, the Dictabelt is not the time tunnel to ultimate truth about the source of the Dealey Plaza shots as it was once heralded to be, but the recording is invaluable nonetheless. What we call the Dictabelt is actually a collection of belts that recorded all police communications on two channels

Larry J. Sabato

What a successful midterm looks like

“Oft expectation fails, and most oft there where most it promises.” — William Shakespeare, All’s Well That Ends Well When the Bard of Avon wrote those words some four centuries ago, he wasn’t describing Republican Senate candidates in 2010 or 2012, although the quote works well to illustrate how great opportunities can be frittered away. But now that the 2013 elections are over and the 2014 cycle is beginning to take shape, we’ve been thinking: What are fair expectations for both parties next year? What follows are suggestions as to how observers should judge the results 12 months from now. The Republicans: Win the Senate, hold Democrats to a net gain of zero in the House Given what we know about midterms — the party that does not occupy the White House nearly always does better than the in-power party — the bar is set high for Republicans next year. Just winning a handful of seats in the Senate and cutting into the Democratic majority isn’t enough: Only netting the six Senate seats they need to grab the majority can be considered a successful cycle. That’s partially because Republicans should already be halfway to their goal. We currently favor Republicans

Kyle Kondik

Not Their Cup of Tea: The Republican Establishment versus the Tea Party

With the 2013 government shutdown and debt ceiling crisis now behind us, one conclusion seems inescapable — this was a disaster for the Republican Party. While both major parties received negative reviews from the American public for their performance in the crisis, it was the GOP that took by far the bigger hit to its image and standing in national polls. In the midst of the crisis, the Gallup Poll found that the percentage of Americans rating the Republican Party unfavorably was the highest ever recorded for either party since they began asking the party favorability question in 1992. The shutdown and debt limit impasse were almost exclusively the work of the Tea Party and its allies inside and outside of Congress. External groups like Heritage Action and FreedomWorks along with right-wing media commentators like Rush Limbaugh played key roles as cheerleaders for these confrontations. And members of Congress affiliated with the Tea Party, most prominently first-term Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), were the strongest supporters of the shutdown and debt ceiling conflicts and the most vocal opponents of the deal to end the crisis. In the aftermath of the crisis, there are signs of a growing divide within the GOP

Alan I. Abramowitz

NOTES ON THE STATE OF POLITICS

2012 vs. 2013 Virginia vote shares quite close In early October, the Crystal Ball discussed the election-to-election relationship of the percentage of the total statewide vote each Virginia locality casts. While the correlation between 2009 and 2012 vote shares was almost perfect (R ­= .996), there was noticeably large voter drop-off in a few cities and counties in the Old Dominion’s off-off year gubernatorial election. But what about the 2013 gubernatorial race versus the 2012 presidential race? This time around, based on figures available Tuesday, the correlation between the 2012 and 2013 results is R = .999, even closer to 1, which would indicate a perfect correlation. That statistic reveals that the relative influence of most Virginia localities’ vote totals — that is, the share of the statewide vote each provided — remained more static from 2012 to 2013 than from 2009 to 2012. Chart 1: Correlation analysis of locality vote share, 2012 and 2013 Note: Fairfax County (13.73% of the vote in 2012, 13.65% in 2013) has been visually excluded from the chart in order to better view the data. But its data were included in the actual calculations. If we dig into the results locality-by-locality, we can see

UVA Center for Politics